n58a5 i9za4 2tdde baa6e eaiad ya855 4fy2f k8f99 8zsb4 2d529 86af6 d57bz 355hr 9zney kdf6f 8si4e i29i7 6r24s hria3 4aidf 7rkdh Kenny Bolin on working with The Miz, says he doesn't recall Maryse liking the former WWE Champion |

Kenny Bolin on working with The Miz, says he doesn't recall Maryse liking the former WWE Champion

2022.01.28 23:11 jobsinanywhere Kenny Bolin on working with The Miz, says he doesn't recall Maryse liking the former WWE Champion

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2022.01.28 23:11 Mikeythegreat2 Mental breakdown

I work in healthcare, I’m not a nurse or doctor, more like a receptionist. My job is basically to check you, ask you some screening questions and get you ready for whatever your having done. On a busy day, I may check in 150+ people. I’m good at my job, I do what I have to do and go home. The patients I come in contact with on a daily basis however can be downright disrespectful and miserable. The amount of shit I get for asking people basic questions and asking for updated information is mind boggling. I have people who haven’t visited the office in 2 years telling me “I should be in your systems” and almost refusing to give me things like their insurance card. Some days my brain is just so fried from the amount of shitty attitudes I have to work around to try to get people checked in and out of the way. I feel so overwhelmed some days when I’m trying to check in people that won’t even give me their name; Some says I feel like I’m going to loose my shit. I’m content with what I do am paid well and have great coworkers but my god the way people act is depressing. I could go on forever but I’m just venting.
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2022.01.28 23:11 link_anon Alt-Rock Schmalt Rock {Yeah Yeah Yeahs, The Vines, Dinosaur Jr, The Smiths, Death From Above 1979 etc.}

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2022.01.28 23:11 jehe The slowest turns imaginable in BGs. #RemoveAnimations !

The slowest turns imaginable in BGs. #RemoveAnimations ! submitted by jehe to hearthstone [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 SawyerGG Trying out Lethal Tempo on MF

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2022.01.28 23:11 datbeckyy Reddit, which beverage “obsession” is stranger? Drinking (only) fancy bottled water all the time, or drinking 1-3 sugar free Red Bulls a day?

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2022.01.28 23:11 stang222 HELP PLEASE

there is something wrong where i try to open my file and the assets i have previously brought in have now darkened and it's not to do with the lighting. Something is going wrong between when i start a new file than save and close. It works perfectly fine when i start a new file, it's only opening every file that i have saved. There is also something that is strange, when i open a file it gets to 45% really quickly and gets stuck and won't open for another few minutes- it's as if the file is huge and taking forever to process, but the file is only 22mb. I have tried everything- force quitting, restarting. uninstalling, re-installing, downloading older versions. Nothing works. Yesterday Dimensions was working perfectly fine, it was only this morning that everything has become corrupted like this. The png i am placing is just dark and greyed out when it should be colour.
Please help i have had no luck with customer support.
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2022.01.28 23:11 mlj8122 Not Robyn’s fault

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2022.01.28 23:11 Downtown-1994 Our pup Olive graduated from puppy school! 18 weeks old

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2022.01.28 23:11 Sodacandle17 Epicuria S tier lately

Has it always been this bussin
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2022.01.28 23:11 Equivalent-Soup7671 Billing

What would happen if I’m late for purchasing? I don’t have enough for the $600 right now till February 4th, got the email that payment declined on January 27th, can I still pay a week later?
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2022.01.28 23:11 hayterm123 WTB Mizuno JPX 900/919 HM

Hello all,
Looking to buy Mizuno JPX 900 or 919 Hot Metal.
Shaft ideally NS Pro Modus 3 105 S / Project X IO 6.0 / Project X LZ 5.5 or 6.0 / Project X PXI 6.0 - or similar?
Did a fitting and they suggested JPX 921 HM with the Project X IO 6.0 or Modus 3 105S, but was above my budget so looking at going back a few generations on shaft and irons.
Thanks
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2022.01.28 23:11 theperez22 First road bike , change tires.

Hi all, I am looking to get a entry level road bike in the 2nd hand market but I been reading that they get lots of flats because how small the tire is.
Couple of questions here. What tire size should I get for less flats than the one that come with the bike. Can I use the same tube on the new tires? Does it matter on road bike if the tube is presta or schrader? Which tires are good for NYC roads for casual group entry level rides.
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2022.01.28 23:11 retropod Kanye West's behavior bringing Kim K., Pete Davidson 'closer'

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2022.01.28 23:11 LeeOdis88 Anyone else still having problems with Vanguard scopes while playing Rebirth? Is there a fix for this?

For some reason the scopes are working as they should in Caldera Resurgence, but as soon as I go to play Rebirth I get either half of my screen envoleped or pretty much the whole screen when I go to ADS.
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2022.01.28 23:11 DarkUnicornEm97 I’m in love with the way he looks 😍😍

I’m in love with the way he looks 😍😍 submitted by DarkUnicornEm97 to AustralianCattleDog [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 VolterMcdonald Keemshave

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2022.01.28 23:11 ZooplanktonblameIcy6 Examples of old songs that use vari-speed pitch control?

There was a method long before digital pitch correction in which artists would slow down/speed up a song on the tape machine to a certain key so the vocalist would have an easier time singing within their range, and then they'd pitch it back up to normal. An example of this would be the Beatles' Strawberry Fields.
Just curious, would anybody have any other examples in which this method was used?
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2022.01.28 23:11 smackingum Best Camera for Realtors

I was thinking about getting a video camera for a couple different purposes. First of which is listing photos and videos for cheaper listings. I would still hire a pro for the higher end listings, as I am a amateur. Secondly, for marketing videos of just myself talking to the camera or a tour of the city. What do other realtors use and recommend? Or do most just use their phones?
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2022.01.28 23:11 Hour-Mission7829 Violence and crimes against women are NOT done against them because they're women or to oppress women. Feminist myth debunked

A lot of feminists argue that men kill women to punish them for being women or killed them simply because they're women, or that rape is about power over women or oppressing women or that domestic violence is about oppressing women.
Intimate partner violence/homicide
First of all, society heavily frowns upon hitting a woman, and research has shown that people are particularly concerned when a man hits a woman compared to when he hits men and are more likely to call police when it's a woman. People have been shown to be more tolerant and accepting of women being violent towards a boyfriend compared to vice versa. Studies also consistently have shown that women are just as likely, if not more likely, to be violent towards an intimate partner or intimate terrorists than men. Gay men are also just as likely to be domestic abusers as straight men. The prevalence of lesbian domestic violence is unknown, ranging anywhere from 17% to 73%. Studies also show that many if not most intimate partner violence is mutual, and in non-recriprocal cases, women are the aggressors 70% of the time. Only a minority of women attacked their male intimate partner in self-defense, and male IPV offenders were actually more likely to be abused by their partners too than female IPV offenders. Male IPV offenders are actually more likely to have done it in self-defense. IPV is gender symmetrical.
Also, domestic violence against women has been frowned upon throughout most of history, and way before the 1970s, people still frowned upon and outlawed men beating their wives. In fact, in the early 1900s and prior, there were whipping posts in Oregon, Delware and Maryland against wife beaters and every now and then, there was a vigilante assaults/homicides against them. Male victims of domestic violence, on the other hand, were ridiculed. The only difference between then and nowadays is we didn't have battered women's shelters, but male domestic abusers were far more hated than they are now, and were viewed the way modern society views child molesters. This means that domestic violence is not some outdated, traditional tactic of the patriarchy men use to control women. It's just simply an act of violence similar to other violence in general, and men who beat their wife/girlfriend are similar to other criminals. The same is true for women who attack their husband/boyfriend.
Additionally, studies have shown that there is an overlap between intimate partner violence of a man against a woman and same-sex aggression towards other men: it is quite common for male intimate partner violence offenders to be violent towards other men and for generally violent men to be violent towards their female intimate partner. In a study, they found an overlap between the two. The study also cited other studies reinforcing this finding:

The overlap between IPV and other forms of aggression has been noted in other studies. In their typology of “male batterers,” Holtzworth‐Munroe and Stuart (1994) included a “generally violent” category that involved the perpetration of both types of aggression. Marvell and Moody (1999) found that men who were violent to their female partners typically had prior criminal records. Connolly et al. (2000) found that adolescents who reported bullying their peers at school were more likely to report physical aggression to their partners. Thornton, Graham‐Kevan, and Archer (2010) found that IPV and general violence showed moderate associations for both sexes in a student sample. This was also the case in a sample of women (Thornton, Graham‐Kevan, & Archer, 2012). In their longitudinal study of a birth cohort in New Zealand, Moffitt et al. (2001) found that the strongest predictor for both men and women who had perpetrated IPV was their record of physically abusive delinquent behavior. Felson and Lane (2010) also observed that offenders who perpetrated IPV were similar to other offenders in terms of their criminal convictions, alcohol use and experiences of previous abuse. Other studies demonstrate that IPV and aggression to same‐sex non‐intimates share similar risk factors (e.g., Straus & Ramirez, 2007). The aim of this study was to test predictions from the male control theory of intimate partner violence (IPV) and Johnson’s [Johnson, M. P. (1995). Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 282-294] typology. A student sample (N 1⁄4 1,104) reported on their use of physical aggression and controlling behavior, to partners and to same‐sex non‐intimates. Contrary to the male control theory, women were found to be more physically aggressive to their partners than men were, and the reverse pattern was found for aggression to same‐sex non‐intimates. Furthermore, there were no substantial sex differences in controlling behavior, which significantly predicted physical aggression in both sexes. IPV was found to be associated with physical aggression to same‐sex non‐ intimates, thereby demonstrating a link with aggression outside the family. Using Johnson’s typology, women were more likely than men to be classed as “intimate terrorists,” which was counter to earlier findings. Overall, these results do not support the male control theory of IPV. Instead, they fit the view that IPV does not have a special etiology, and is better studied within the context of other forms of aggression. Aggr. Behav. 9999:1–14, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. The overlap we found between IPV, same‐sex aggression and controlling behavior also relates to typology studies that have suggested that IPV can be part of a more generally aggressive interpersonal style (e.g., Holtzworth‐Munroe & Stuart, 1994; Langhinrichsen‐Rohling, 2010). This is further supported by studies of bullying suggesting that it shares similar risk factors to IPV perpetration. Corvo and deLara (2009) proposed that multiple developmental pathways can lead bullies to adult IPV perpetration, including through adolescent dating aggression. Again, this points to a coercive interpersonal style that can originate early in development.
According to the research paper Female and male homicide victimization rates: Comparing trends and regressors, men who commit violence against intimate partners often might have criminal records, including sometimes violent criminal records. 70% of incarcerated rapists were found to have criminal records (primarily for non-sex crimes), close to the percentage for criminals in general. Men who attack women have criminal records similar to those of men who commit other crimes. Males committing sex crimes or partner abuse are similar to other criminals on numerous dimensions.
Studies also have shown that men and women who are violent to their partners tend to be similar to most criminals in many aspects:
The evidence in regard to differences between attacks on partners and attacks on other people also supports the violence model more than the gender model (see table 3). Most of the main effects of IPV were not statistically significant; men and women who attack their partners are equally likely to be drinking at the time of the incident as those who attack strangers, as well as to have alcohol problems, have violent records, be abused by nonpartners, and have been abused as children. Those who attack partners or other family members are less likely to have prior nonviolent offenses or to have used serious drugs in the month prior to arrest. Overall, the evidence suggests that men and women who attack their partners are typical violent offenders. Table 3 also shows that only one of the nine main effects of the victims’ gender was statistically significant. In general, the results showed that offenders who attack women are similar to offenders who attack men. The one small effect suggests that offenders who attack women are slightly more likely to have used serious drugs. These results are more consistent with a violence model than with a gender model. We used data from a survey of inmates who have committed homicide or assault to examine whether men and women who have killed or assaulted their intimate partners are different from other violent offenders. A “gender perspective” implies that intimate partner violence and violence between the sexes have different etiologies than other types of violence, whereas a “violence perspective” implies that they have similar etiologies. Our evidence supports a violence perspective. In general, offenders who attack their partners are similar to other offenders in terms of their prior records, alcohol and drug use, and experiences of abuse. We observed some differences between men who attack women (including their female partners) and other male offenders, but the differences were opposite those predicted by a gender perspective. For example, men who attacked their partners were particularly likely to have been abused by their partners. In addition, men who attacked women were particularly likely to have experienced sexual abuse during childhood and to have been intoxicated at the time of the incident. These results suggest that some well-known predictors of violence are particularly strong predictors of male violence against women and female partners. The pattern of effects we observed for IPV provides more support for the violence perspective than for the gender perspective. Men and women who killed or assaulted their partners tended to be similar to other violent male and female offenders. The women who attacked their partners were not particularly likely to have been abused by their partners. Rather, we found that men who attacked their partners were particularly likely to have suffered partner abuse. This result challenges the idea that these women were responding to a history of abuse. Violence against partners and victimization by partners were strongly associated for both men and women, which indicates that a considerable amount of mutual violence was present in this relationship. However, the link between offending and victimization is weaker, not stronger, for female offenders. The Gender · Partner interaction suggests that men are more reluctant than women to use violence against partners unless their partners have used violence against them. Prior research has addressed these perspectives by estimating statistical models in which various characteristics of offenders or violent incidents are related to the gender of the offender and victim, and whether they involve IPV. Such a design allows for the examination of whether violence by men and women against their partners is special. For example, Felson and Messner (1998) examined the additive and interactive “effects” of gender and victim–offender relationship on whether homicide offenders had a prior record of violence. Their results suggested that men and women who killed their partners were equally likely to have violent criminal records as men and women who killed in other circumstances (see also Mann, 1988). A gender perspective would suggest that female offenders tend to be relatively nonviolent in other circumstances.
Moreover, it is rare for women who kill their husband to do it in self-defense as a response to abuse and men, and men who commit domestic violence or rape has similar views toward women that other criminals have:
Homicide research does show that women are more likely to kill in self-defense than men, but police investigators attribute only 10 percent of homicides committed by wives to self-defense; women kill their husbands for a variety of reasons. In addition, the women who kill their husbands are not usually sweet and innocent. We found that they are just as likely to have criminal records as women who kill in other circumstances. They are no more likely to be motivated by self-defense than other female killers. In general, the evidence suggests that the greater tendency for wives to kill in self-defense reflects the fact that women are generally less violent than men. Most violent wives do not have innocent motives or suffer from “battered wife syndrome”; they kill their husbands for the same diverse reasons that husbands kill their wives. Another way to look at motivation is to determine whether men who assault women also have negative attitudes toward women. We need to be clear about whether negative attitudes refer to hatred of women or traditional attitudes about gender roles. While hatred of women goes along with violence toward women, some evidence indicates that traditional men are less likely to assault women. One laboratory study showed that traditional men were less likely to hit women with pillow clubs than were men with more liberal attitudes toward gender roles. In addition, men who assault their wives and commit rape have attitudes toward women that are similar to those of other male offenders. They tend to commit a variety of crimes, rather than specializing in violence against women. This versatility suggests that men who assault women are criminals, not sexists. Some of them certainly hit their wives but no one else; perhaps they are the domineering sexists. On the other hand, marital conflicts can be intense, so we should not be surprised that husbands who are drunk or have bad tempers sometimes become violent. Some researchers are beginning to challenge the gender perspective. They take what I call a “violence perspective,” arguing that we should rely on theories of violence and crime, not theories of sexism, to explain violence against women. I take this perspective in my book, Violence and Gender Reexamined, and my research articles support it. From this point of view, sexism plays at most a trivial role in rape and in physical assault on wives. Typically, men who commit these crimes commit other crimes as well, and their backgrounds and attitudes toward women are similar to those of other criminals. They are versatile “bad guys”— selfish, not sexist. When they assault women, they do so “behind closed doors” because we stigmatize the behavior—a man should not hit a woman. Traditional values inhibit violence against women rather than encouraging it.
In his book Violence and Gender Reexamined, Richard Felson wrote:
Violence and Gender Reexamined challenges one of western culture's most deeply held assumptions: That violence against women is different from violence against men. In this elegantly argued and well-researched book, author Richard Felson argues that this type of violence is rarely the result of sexism or hatred against women and that sexism may actually inhibit violence against women. The author cites research suggesting that the motives for violence against women are similar to the motives for violence against men: to control, to gain retribution, and to promote or defend self-image. These motives play a role in almost all violence, regardless of gender. Using a comparative method to determine how violence against women differs from violence against men, Felson illustrates not only that violence against women is less frequent than violence against men but also that our culture and legal system treat it more harshly. Contrary to the claims that our courts "blame the victim" in cases of violence against women, the author shows that the tradition of protection of women sometimes produces the opposite effect, and that it is due process and not sexism that makes, for instance, rape cases seem biased against women.
In a previous post of mine, I posted about the myth that women who commit murder are killing abusive husbands in self-defense. Not only do many female murderers have victims who aren't even a husband/boyfriend/ex, but not that many were victims of abuse and many of them didn't appear to have a mental illness. They often killed for other reasons such as jealousy, love, revenge, hate, concealment, or financial gain. Also, only about 10% of homicides committed by wives are self-defensive. In a quote from one of the cited studies above:
The gender model attempts to explain female IPV generally and not the relatively few cases of IPV that have been legally recognized as self-defense. Felson and Messner (1996) did include such incidents and found that prosecutors attributed 9.6 percent of the homicides committed by women to self-defense versus .5 percent of the homicides committed by men. The gender difference in self- defense was no stronger among IPV offenders.
It's also possible that women are more likely to get away with murder, with some evidence showing that women might hire contract killers (often men), and women are far more likely to use poisoning methods for murder, which increases the likelihood of getting away with crime to make the death look natural. This explains why homicide data shows that women usually use firearms or knives, because it's harder to get away with it with those methods and this data only includes women who were caught. It's odd how the age group of men who are killed by their female intimate partner is typically ages 25-49, with 35-49 being slightly higher while, at the same time, drug poisoning death rates for men in the United States in 2018 is highest among 25-54 year olds (especially 35-44). This was also true for England and Wales in 2019. Men ages 35-54 were the most likely to die from poisoning and were much more likely to than women.
And to conclude, here's something Richard Felson wrote in one of the previously cited studies:
Exaggerating the frequency of social problems is standard practice among activists. So is emphasizing dramatic cases, even though most cases are not so serious. It is useful, for example, to claim high frequencies of “wife beating,” and to describe victims as “battered wives” or “survivors,” even though most violence against women does not involve beatings and is not life-threatening. The media also focus on the worst cases, since they grab attention. Perhaps without these strategies we would not have shelters for battered wives and rape crisis centers—both of them good things. An examination of gender differences in victimization is less conducive to social action on behalf of women.
You can see here that male domestic abusers and male intimate partner homicide offenders don't differ from other male criminals and are just as likely to have criminal records as other male criminals, with their records being similar to that of other male criminals. Their beliefs about women do not differ from that of other male criminals. Although misogynistic men are more likely to commit intimate partner violence, they aren't necessarily doing it simply to oppress women and most male domestic abusers are not sexist, but simply criminals. Men don't kill their wives/girlfriends because they're women nor do they beat them for being women. Intimate partner violence motives (whether perpetrated by a man or perpetrated by a woman) typically are about control, retribution or promoting and defending self-image, and this is the same motive for violence against other people of one's own sex.
Rape/sexual assault
A lot of feminists argue that rape is not about sex and only about power over women. This is a myth. According to the research paper debunking this myth called "Twelve reasons why rape is not sexually motivated: a skeptical examination" by Craig T. Palmer, in 87% of cases in one study cited, only temptation and verbal coercion were used to subdue victims. Rape victims usually don't suffer severe injuries, and rapists typically use instrumental violence, defined as using violence as a means not an end, and done solely to get a victim to submit. They use the right amount of violence necessary to get their victim to submit, even if that means little to no violence. They usually want their victim to cooperate or comply and many times don't intend to hurt their victim (even though they did). If rape was about power, they'd use hostile violence (excessive violence used as an end instead of means). Although rapists consistently have been reported to have hostile or misogynous attitudes towards women and score high on sexual dominance, in one sample of rapists, only 18% hated their victim, and 88% of those rapists only used instrumental force. Sexual dominance, however, just could mean that rapists prefer to be dominant during sexual intercourse. Even in one sample of rapists, 78% wanted their victim to cooperate. Palmer elaborates:
The importance of the distinction between violence as a means to an end and violence as an end in itself is demonstrated by the Queen's Bench Foundation's dismissal of statements by rapists in which they reported "sex" to be the goal of their behavior: "Others said 'sex' but when prodded further, indicated they knew it had to be forcible sex" (Queen's Bench Foundation, 1978, p. 772; my emphasis). The fact that the rapists were aware that they would probably have to "force compliance" to attain sex is taken by the authors as evidence that the rapists were actually after violence instead of sex. This is in spite of the fact that 71.2% of the rapists stated that they were hoping the vic? tim would comply with their expectations (1978, p. 774), 61.7% said they had not intended to use violence (1978, p. 774), and only 22.7% had ended up inflicting "very severe injury" (1978, p. 778). These figures are only "overly particularly significant because the study was restricted to violent rapists" (1978, p. 768).
Additionally, it is common for many date rapes to involve negotiation and foreplay, which shows evidence of a sexual motive to rape. Not to mention the vast majority of rapists don't think they're rapists.
Also, studies have consistently shown that rapists do have consensual sex, and have far more sexual partners than most men, have more dating partners, have more one night stands, lose their virginity early and starting dating early. They also prefer casual sex over relationships, approve of casual sex more than other men, cheat, and tend to be dissatisfied with their sex lives despite being more sexually active than most men, possibly due to exceptionally high sexual aspirations. For example, rapists don't have an abnormally high libido, but believe they must have as many sexual partners as possible in order to be adequate as men. Even when they have an exceptionally high number of sexual partners, they still worry their number of partners isn't high enough, and thus are dissatisfied with their sex life. Many rapists hang out in hypermasculine peer groups and subcultures (e.g.: fraternities, delinquent gangs, and peer groups consisting of hypermasculine men). Peer pressure to have sex often is a common motive for rape. Rapists typically view sex as a game to win, and view women as conquests and objectify them, and they often believe that any women who talks to them is automatically interested in them. They often pursue women very frequently, talk about their sex lives with their friends a lot more than other men do, and are subjected to peer pressure to have sex.
Contrary to popular belief, most rapists are someone the victim knows, not a stranger, and it usually happens in a house, not the streets, shattering the myth that women are in danger walking alone at night when men are more likely to be victims of street crime. According to the book Investigating Sexual Assault Cases, acquaintance rapists typically have sexual gratification as a motive, and view their crime as seduction, not rape. Rapists often want as many sex partners as possible, and even when controlling for all the women they rape, they still have far more consensual sexual partners than most men. They rape women to increase their number of sexual partners or because of sexual entitlement, and they believe any woman who talks to them is automatically interested in them, and are hypersensitive to rejection. They rape women by thinking they are entitled to their bodies and think they can use force to get a woman to have sex with them. Rapists usually don't think of themselves as rapists, and often don't know how to distinguish consent and non-consent, and endorse/adhere to rape myth acceptance.
Additionally, studies show that women ages 15 to 24 are the most likely to be raped, (with the very peak being 18 to 21) and this is the age group men find most attractive, with reproductive value peaking in the mid-teens and fertility peaking in the early 20s. Even older rapists have disproportionately young women as their victims. Although young people in general are the most likely to be victims of crime, the likelihood of being raped plummets harder after 25 compared to how much it decreases after 25 when it comes to likelihood of being a victim of murder, robbery or aggravated assault. Additionally, it's common for 12 to 14 year olds to be robbed, and this age group has a lower likelihood of being raped because they're less likely to be perceived as attractive by men. Additionally, women who are raped and robbed are younger, on average, than women who are solely robbed.
In the meta-analysis The Search for Rapists' "Real" Motive, they concluded:
No single line of research is conclusive, but we believe that the weight of the evidence indicates that sexual gratification is rapists’ most common (if not universal) goal. Some of the other alleged goals are at least plausible, but there is no reason to believe that they are often more influential than the sexual goal.
The most publicized scholarly theories about rapists’ ulterior motives have generally been weakly supported but sensational. Rapists are trying to overcome their anxieties about being castrated! No, they rape because they hate women and want to maintain patriarchy! No, they have a rape-specific evolutionary adaptation! None of these ideas enjoys trans-ideological support. Yet they command our attention because motives are commonly thought to be super causes that demonstrate the superiority of a vocational or ideological worldview.
In principle, the flaws of motivational scholarship are avoidable. We could begin by defining a motive as a goal, which is “primary” only if it is causally necessary, while the rapist’s other goals, if any, are not. We might then say that sexual gratification is rapists’ most common primary goal, while acknowledging that additional goals sometimes exist, and that there is no single master cause of rape but rather a network of causes, among which the absence of an inhibition may be at least as important as the presence of a goal.
Are there rapists who are about power over women or power in general? Perhaps. But this isn't the most common motive and could just be a secondary motive. Many of these rapists could simultaneously be about sex, too. Many rapists aren't about power, and ones who are solely about power, appear to be a minority, typically a domestic abuser raping his partner (and even domestic abusers can perhaps have sex as a motive, too). Rapists typically commit rape due to sexual gratification, the desire to have as many partners as possible, viewing women as objects/conquests and peer pressure to have sex. They believe they aren't successful men if they don't have more sex partners than everyone else. Hostility towards women, misogyny, and sexual dominance scores are high for rapists, but this doesn't mean they do it to punish women for being women. This could be part of why they have no problem assaulting women or lack empathy toward women. Sexual dominance, power or control could be their means not their end, and could be a mere means to achieve their end (which is sex).
In a study called Date Rape and Sexual Aggresion in College Males: Incidence and the Involvement of Impulsivity, Anger, Hostility, Psychopathology, Peer Influence and Pornography Use by Leslie L. Crossman, they found that their rapists and sexually aggressive men were not misogynous or hostile towards women, and committed rape/sexual aggression to obtain sex and did it due to peer pressure to have sex because they didn't want to be a virgin, concluding:
The results indicated that males who used pornography and experienced more pressure from their peers were disproportionately involved in sexual aggression and date rape. Difficulty with expressing anger was found in males who manipulated circumstances in order to obtain sex. Impulsivity, hostility toward women, and psychopathology were not predictive of sexual aggression. The findings are supportive of previous research linking sexual aggression to pornography use and peer influences. Thus, interventions in these areas maybe particularly effective in minimizing the occurrence of these destructive behaviors.
Previous sexually aggressive research that was corroborated involves the variables of peer influences and pornography use. Males who experience more pressure from their peers are involved in more advanced forms of sexual aggression. These males feel a great deal of pressure from peers to engage in premarital sex and report that they would lose peer status if they were a virgin. This result is similar to Koss et al. (1985) and Kanin's (1985) research which found that men who place a high value on sexual prowess, and are in a peer group which legitimizes sexually aggressive behavior, are involved in sexually aggressive behavior. Therefore, itdoes seem that involvement in sexuallyaggressive behavior is related to having peer groups which condone sexually aggressive behavior and encourage sexual activity. It also seems that these males conform more to peer pressure. Kanin (1985) suggests that peer group and primary group influences may affect aspects of personality development which lead to generalized hostility toward females, aggressive behavior, and a hypererotic orientation.
This shows that in order to stop rape, we should stop teaching men they deserve respect based on how much sex they have or how sexually active they are. These men's hypersensitivity to rejection, hate towards women and sexual entitlement is caused by societal pressure on men to be sexually active "chick magnets".
Additionally, studies show 43.6% of people who force someone to have sex against their will are women, and that men are only slightly likely to commit sexual coercion than women. Just as many men are forced to penetrate each year as women are raped, and the vast majority of these men were forced to penetrate by a woman. If you include men who are raped, this means more men are raped each year than women. Rape is a gender symmetrical crime. This disproves the myth that rape was done to oppress women. It wasn't, or at least not that much.
Hate crime statistics
Hate crimes against women (attacking a woman for being a woman) are rare. In 2020, only 0.7% of hate crimes involve gender bias motivation. This means committing hate crimes against women by attacking them because they're a woman (or doing it because they're a man, for that matter) is really rare. Typically, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation or religion are the common biases during hate crimes, especially race/ethnicity.
War and genocide
Some wars and genocides specifically targeted males because they were seen as a threat. This includes the Armenian Genocide (1915 to 1917), Anfal Campaign (late 1980s) and Rwandan Genocide (1994).
Conclusion
When feminists argue that men attack or kill women because they're women or to support the patriarchy, this is false. It's not true, or at least not particularly. There could be cases where this happens but it's not that common. Typically these men have criminal records, are similar to other male criminals, and commit violence against other men. Many of these men aren't even sexist, and if they are, it doesn't mean they're attacking or killing women to oppress women or because they're women, and if it's because they're women, it isn't necessarily done as a hate crime or to oppress women. Hostile sexism towards women will make them willing to attack women, but it's not neccesarily to oppress women or commit hate crimes against them. Sexism, however, often deters violence against women, because most sexism is benevolent sexism, and benevolently sexist men might be unwilling to assault women due to chivalry. In fact, chivalry and the phrase "never hit a woman" are both benevolently sexist. Studies show that men with traditional views about women are less likely to assault them than men with liberal beliefs about gender roles (including women).
submitted by Hour-Mission7829 to MensRights [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 gregoryjmckenzie7 I just got my second ring of the season. It took 4 games. 3 wins. How many did it take you if you’ve already gotten it?

Just curious. I have 11 total games and two rings. Didn’t play first weekend.
View Poll
submitted by gregoryjmckenzie7 to MyTeam [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 Magnetic_Mallard Is it weird that during my first playthrough of the game, the ending made me feel detached?

Kind of a reference to the ending/reveal of OMORI and TW for mentions of depression and mental illness in general
While playing the game I felt really emotional and extremely connected to the characters. I felt like a lot of it mirrored my life and my childhood. When I was very young, I suffered with childhood depression and extremely severe anxiety. In a way, I felt like it kind of ruined my childhood experience and even now it sometimes prevents me from looking back at it fondly. Just like in the game, it often stopped me from participating in average kid activities and interacting with my peers "normally". It actually made me really happy the way people close to him just kind of respected it, but also encouraged him to confront his fears if he thought he was ready. A lot of people around me weren't that understanding when I was younger. In a way it felt scarily realistic to the point where there were moments I genuinely had to stop playing to cry. So much of it felt so personal to me, even smaller details where it really was pure coincidence that it was so similar to aspects of my own childhood.
I felt so invested and emotional while playing the game, but then the reveal happened and I can only best describe it as me snapping out of something. Like, I remembered that this was a video game with an actual plot made by developers to entertain people instead of my own personal therapy session. In a weird way that disconnect kind of made me less invested in the story, like I just realized it's just a story. Maybe giving a specific reason for his trauma and mental illness was what made that aspect seem less universal and therefore less relatable to me, I'm not sure. It feels really weird because even if it doesn't pertain to me specifically, I'm still able to recognize that this game is a fantastic portrayal of mental illness. It just didn't feel as personal for some reason.
I'm not sure if other people felt this way when they played the game, and I do feel selfish for feeling this way. It's just weird. Like the second something wasn't exactly the same as my life I just wasn't able to relate to it at all anymore.
submitted by Magnetic_Mallard to OMORI [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 K4d3nn Any idea on how to get custom textures on switch?

I have a bunch of textures I wanna use in my switch world that I usually use on my phone, but I dunno how to get them from one platform to another.
submitted by K4d3nn to Minecraft [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 brooke_b6 well… here’s my face lol

well… here’s my face lol submitted by brooke_b6 to Faces [link] [comments]


2022.01.28 23:11 emo0__o this is actually serious i can't poo

i eat alot of fibre every morning i even put extra fibre on my already high fibre cereal, i drink lots of water, i barley eat anything else i usually have one other small meal, i don't understand why im always constipated and even after taking 3 laxatives cant poo
submitted by emo0__o to Constipation [link] [comments]


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